Reasons for Rev. of March 1917:
Defeat of Russia following entry in WWI Some argue that Rev. was inevitable regardless of WWI (terrible living standards) Incompetence of the Czar Corrupt and inefficient Gov. Weak ruler (Nicholas II) Rasputin damage the reputation of the royal family in the eyes of other nobles (he was seen to be the de facto ruler of the country) Food shortages Army losses in 1916 (the army morale declined) The Czar assumed command of the army and was associated with military defeat Formation of the Provisional Gov. Established by the Duma A soviet committee was established Causes of the October (Bolshevik) Rev. Weaknesses/mistakes of Prov. Gov. failed to decisively — didn’t satisfy demands for change / the power of the Soviets / allowed opposition to form / kept Russia in the war / handicapped by internal divisions (not efficient and united) The power of the Bolsheviks The return of Lenin The Mensheviks supported the Prov. Gov. and opposition sided with the Bolsheviks as a result Lenin adapted Marxist doctrine to fit revolutionary needs The simple message of Bolshevism: "Peace, bread and land" The Bolsheviks strengthened power in the cities as opposed to the countryside which meant success in elections. They gained a military force (the Red Guards) which other political parties did not have Benefited from divisions amongst their opponents The Bolshevik Revolution Timing was a result of Lenin’s belief that war with Germany must be ended at any costs. Were the 1917 Revolutions inevitable? Improvement in living standards meant chances of revolution might fade: the establishment of a middle peasant class / improvements in working conditions / lack of incentive in revolutionary parties BUT The Czar had failed to carry out his promised reforms (the situation was deteriorating before WWI) Stolypin’s reforms failed to match a growing peasant pop. Little relaxation of secret police activities The royal family was discredited Growing agitation amongst the workers / combined with the fact that the army was not loyal to the Czar following Russian defeat in war.
The army over-reacted and started firing shots into the crowd. This was known as Bloody Sunday and it proved to be the start of people turning against him. After this the people wanted their own government so they could have power over the things like the price of bread and their wages, so Nicholas gave them a political institution called the Duma. But he only gave the Duma a very small amount of Political power that helped to delay a revolution, but only for a time. Some people felt betrayed by him because of their lack of power, which earned him enemies. Nicholas was still in danger of losing his position as Tsar when many people in his controlling power pyramid started to believe in what his opposition groups were saying.
There were seven main opposition groups with 3 predominant ones, - the Mensheviks, the Bolsheviks, and the Social Revolutionaries. These three groups all wanted to get rid of the Tsar, but the Mensheviks weren't prepared to use force, whereas the Bolsheviks and Social Revolutionaries were. There were many reasons for these groups of people to revolt, social, economic and political, an
Why was there Revolution in Russia in March 1917?
There were many reasons for a revolution in Russia in March 1917. Some were political, others were social and economic, but they all had something in common - they all helped to dethrone Tsar Nicholas II.
Russia in the early 20th century covered a huge area that was a large proportion of the Asian continent and one very powerful man, the Tsar Nicholas II, ruled it all. Most of the country was living in poverty in overcrowded areas, working with the same system as in medieval times, and being paid very little. There were only two industrial cities, Petrograd (now St. Petersburg) and Moscow, with the rest of it countryside slums. Nicholas had a tough time ruling over this huge country, nearly 8000km across with tens of millions of people, which stretched from Poland nearly to Alaska. We can be sympathetic towards him because of the size of his empire but some of his problems were his own fault. He was a strict autocrat - giving the people no power or control over their lives. Many people thought that this was unfair and tried to start a revolution to change things, but Nicholas wouldn't listen to them and circumstances and his poor leadership caused many problems leading to his eventual downfall.
In 1905 a group of protesters arrived outside the Tsar's palace and demanded more wages and cheaper bread. The army over-reacted and started firing shots into the crowd. This was known as Bloody Sunday and it proved to be the start of people turning against him. After this the people wanted their own government so they could have power over the things like the price of bread and their wages, so Nicholas gave them a political institution called the Duma. But he only gave the Duma a very small amount of Political power that helped to delay a revolution, but only for a time. Some people felt betrayed by him because of their lack of power, which earned him enemies. Nicholas was still in danEssays Related to Why was there Revolution in Russia in March 1917?
"The revolution in March 1917 was inevitable, because Russians had lost faith in the Tsarist autocracy.” It was a combination of events that lead to the eventual abdication of the Tsar. It was the Tsar's inept ability that was to cause the downfall of the Romanov dynasty.
It was said by many people that it would have been hard to find a less suited person to the role of Tsar than Nicholas. He was very devoted to his family and wife, but Russia needed someone more than just a good family man. The Tsar employed many advisors that were to play key roles in his time at the helm of the ship, "Mother Russia.” His reliance on his "crew” was what perhaps helped cause his demise, and as time went on his lack of control resulted in a mutiny of the ship's crew.
One of these advisors or ministers was Stolypin. Stolypin implemented important changes in the countryside. He wanted to prevent another revolution carried out by peasants and he wanted to turn Russia into modern industrial country. For this to happen Russia would have to be more efficient in producing the extra food for the increasing numbers of industrial workers. In 1906 he introduced measures which allowed peasants to leave the Mir. Stolypin hoped that if peasants left the Mir they would buy the strips around them and create efficient modern farms which would produce more food per hectare. Furthermore, these rich peasants or kulaks would want to spend their new wealth on consumer goods, which would then stimulate Russian industrial production. He also thought that the kulaks would be thankful that the Tsar allowed them to became wealthy, and that in return, they would support him. But, in 1911 Stolypin was assassinated and the new minister didn't support his predecessor's ideas.
In the October manifesto the Tsar had won the support of many liberals with his promise of an elected parliament or Duma. Therefore elections were held and in 1906 the Duma met for.
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The abdication of Emperor Nicholas II in March 1917, in conjunction with the establishment of a provisional government based on Western principles of constitutional liberalism, and the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks in November, are the political focal points of the Russian Revolutions of 1917. The events of that momentous year must also be viewed more broadly, however: as an explosion of social tensions associated with rapid industrialization; as a crisis of political modernization, in terms of the strains placed on traditional institutions by the demands of Westernization and of World War I; and as a social upheaval in the broadest sense, involving a massive, spontaneous expropriation of gentry land by angry peasants, the destruction of traditional social patterns and values, and the struggle for a new, egalitarian society. Looking at the revolutionary process broadly, one must also include the Bolsheviks’ fight to keep the world’s first “proletarian dictatorship” in power after November, first against the Germans, and then in the civil war against dissident socialists, anti-Bolshevik “White Guards,” foreign intervention, and anarchist peasant bands. Finally, one must see the psychological aspects of revolutionary change: elation and hope, fear and discouragement, and ultimately the prolonged agony of bloodshed and privation, both from war and repression, and the “bony hand of Tsar Hunger,” who strangled tens of thousands and, in the end, brought the revolutionary period to a close after the civil war by forcing the Bolsheviks to abandon the radical measures of War Communism in favor of a New Economic Policy (NEP).
Throughout, the events in Russia were of worldwide importance. Western nations saw “immutable” values and institutions successfully challenged, COMMUNISM emerged as a viable social and political system, and Third World peoples saw the power of organized workers’ and peasants’ movements as a means of “liberating” themselves from “bourgeois” exploitation. As such, the Revolutions of 1917 ushered in the great social, political, and ideological divisions of the contemporary world.
Historians differ over whether the Revolutions of 1917 were inevitable, but all agree on the importance of three related causal factors: massive discontent, the revolutionary movement, and World War I, each operating in the context of the ineptitude of a rigid, absolutist state. The emancipation of the serfs in 1861 left the countryside in deep poverty. The newly freed peasants received inadequate land allotments, particularly in areas of fertile soil, and even these had to be purchased with “redemption payments.” Class antagonisms sharpened, particularly since government-promoted industrialization sent impoverished peasants flocking to jobs in urban areas for low wages under oppressive conditions. Government efforts to industrialize also required huge tax revenues, which intensified pressures on workers and peasants alike. Meanwhile, the rising business and professional classes expressed unhappiness with tsarist rule and yearned for a Western-style parliamentary system. By 1905 discontent among the bourgeoisie, peasantry, and proletariat had spurred Russian intellectuals to create the major political organizations of 1917. Populist groups, organized in the countryside by the 1890s, joined radical socialist workers’ groups in the founding of the Socialist Revolutionary party in 1901. The Marxist SocialDemocratic Labor party was established in 1898. Five years later it divided into two factions: the Mensheviks, who favored a decentralized, mass party; and the Bolsheviks of Vladimir Ilich LENIN, who wanted a tightly organized, hierarchical party (see BOLSHEVIKS AND MENSHEVIKS). Middle-class liberals formed the Constitutional Democratic party (Cadets) in 1905. Russian losses in the RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR precipitated the RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1905. The massive urban strikes, rural rioting, and almost total liberal disaffection from the tsarist regime in 1905 have been called a “dress rehearsal” for 1917. Reluctantly, Nicholas II granted a range of civil liberties, established limited parliamentary government through a DUMA, abolished peasant redemption payments, and under Pyotr STOLYPIN began an agrarian reform program to promote the growth of a rural middle class. These measures momentarily quieted the populace, but they also raised new expectations; many concessions were later withdrawn, thus exacerbating tensions. Furthermore, the social stability that some thought the tsar’s promises offered required time to develop, and this Russia did not have.
The March Revolution
In 1914, Russia was again at war. Land reform was suspended, and new political restrictions were imposed. Disastrous military defeats sapped public morale, and ineffective organization on the home front made the government’s incompetence obvious to all. The emperor, assuming command of the army in 1915, became identified with its weakness. The sinister influence of Empress ALEXANDRA’s favorite, Grigory RASPUTIN, increased. By the winter of 1916-17, disaffection again rent all sectors of society, including liberals, peasants, and industrial workers. When food shortages provoked street demonstrations in Petrograd on March 8 (N.S.; Feb. 23, O.S.), 1917, and garrison soldiers refused to suppress them, Duma leaders demanded that Nicholas transfer power to a parliamentary government. With the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, a special Duma committee on March 15 (N.S.; March 2, O.S.) established a provisional government headed by Prince Georgi Lvov, a liberal. On the same day, the emperor abdicated. He attempted to give the crown to his brother Michael, but Michael refused to accept it. The 300-year-old Romanov dynasty came to an end.
The new provisional government was almost universally welcomed. Civil liberties were proclaimed, new wage agreements and an 8-hour day were negotiated in Petrograd, discipline was relaxed in the army, and elections were promised for a Constituent Assembly that would organize a permanent democratic order. The existence of two seats of power, however–the provisional government and the Petrograd Soviet–not only represented a potential political rivalry but alsoreflected the different aspirations of different sectors of Russian society.
For most Russians of privilege–members of the bourgeoisie, the gentry, and many professionals–the March Revolution meant clearing the decks for victory over Germany and for the establishment of Russia as a leading European liberal democracy. They regarded the provisional government as the sole legitimate authority. For most workers and peasants, however, revolution meant an end to an imperialist war, major economic reforms, and the development of an egalitarian social order. They looked to the Petrograd Soviet and other soviets springing up around the country to represent their interests, and they supported the government only insofar as it met their needs.
Differing conceptions of the revolution quickly led to a series of crises. Widespread popular opposition to the war caused the Petrograd Soviet on April 9 (N.S.; March 27, O.S.) to repudiate annexationist ambitions and to establish in May a coalition government including several moderate socialists in addition to Aleksandr KERENSKY, who had been in the cabinet from the beginning. The participation of such socialists in a government that continued to prosecute the war and that failed to implement basic reforms, however, only served to identify their parties–the Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, and others–with government failures. On July 16-17 (N.S.; July 3-4, O.S.), following a disastrous military offensive, Petrograd soldiers, instigated by local Bolshevik agitators, demonstrated against the government in what became known as the “July Days.” The demonstrations soon subsided, and on July 20 (N.S.; July 7, O.S.), Kerensky replaced Lvov as premier. Soon, however, the provisional government was threatened by the right, which had lost confidence in the regime’s ability to maintain order. In early September (N.S.; late August, O.S.), General Lavr KORNILOV was thwarted in an apparent effort to establish a right-wing military dictatorship. Ominously, his effort was backed by the Cadets, traditionally the party of liberal constitutionalism. The crises faced by the provisional government reflected a growing polarization of Russian politics toward the extreme left and extreme right.
Meanwhile, another revolution was taking place that, in the view of many, was more profound and ultimately more consequential than were the political events in Petrograd. All over Russia, peasants were expropriating land from the gentry. Peasant-soldiers fled the trenches so as not to be left out, and the government could not stem the tide. New shortages consequently appeared in urban areas, causing scores of factories to close. Angry workers formed their own factory committees, sequestering plants to keep them running and to gain new material benefits. By the summer of 1917 a social upheaval of vast proportions was sweeping over Russia.
The November Revolution
Sensing that the time was ripe, Lenin and the Bolsheviks rapidly mobilized for power. From the moment he returned from exile on Apr. 16 (N.S.; Apr. 3, O.S.), 1917, Lenin, pressing for a Bolshevik-led seizure of power by the soviets, categorically disassociated his party from both the government and the “accommodationist” socialists. “Liberals support the war and the interests of the bourgeoisie!” he insisted, adding that “socialist lackeys” aided the liberals by agreeing to postpone reforms and continue fighting. With appealing slogans such as “Peace, Land, and Bread!” the Bolsheviks identified themselves with Russia’s broad social revolution rather than with political liberty or the political revolution of March. Better organized than their rivals, the Bolsheviks worked tirelessly in local election campaigns. In factories they quickly came to dominate major committees; they also secured growing support in local soviets. A Bolshevik-inspired military uprising was suppressed in July. The next month, however, after Kornilov’s attempted coup, Bolshevik popularity soared, and Lenin’s supporters secured majorities in both the Petrograd and Moscow soviets, winning 51 percent of the vote in Moscow city government elections. Reacting to the momentum of events, Lenin, from hiding, ordered preparations for an armed insurrection. Fully aware of what was about to transpire, the provisional regime proved helpless.
On the night of November 6-7 (N.S.; October 24-25, O.S.) the Bolsheviks seized power in Petrograd in the name of the soviets, meeting little armed resistance. An All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies, meeting in Petrograd at the time, ratified the Bolsheviks’ actions on November 8. The congress also declared the establishment of a soviet government headed by a Council of People’s Commissars chaired by Lenin, with Leon TROTSKY in charge of foreign affairs.
The Civil War and Its Aftermath
Few, however, expected Lenin’s “proletarian dictatorship” to survive. Bolsheviks now faced thesame range of economic, social, and political problems as did the governments they had replaced. In addition, anti-Bolsheviks began almost at once to organize armed resistance. Some placed hope in the Constituent Assembly, elected November 25 (N.S.; November 12, O.S.); others hoped for foreign intervention. Few appreciated Lenin’s political boldness, his audacity, and his commitment to shaping a Communist Russia.
These traits soon became apparent. The November Constituent Assembly elections returned an absolute majority for the Socialist Revolutionaries, but Lenin simply dispersed the Assembly when it met in January 1918. He also issued a decree on land in November 1917, sanctifying the peasants’ land seizures, proclaiming the Bolsheviks to be a party of poor peasants as well as workers and broadening his own base of support. He sued the Germans for peace, but under terms of the Treaty of BREST-LITOVSK (March 1918) he was forced to surrender huge portions of traditionally Russian territory. Shortly afterward, implementing policies called War Communism, Lenin ordered the requisition of grain from the countryside to feed the cities and pressed a program to nationalize virtually all Russian industry. Centralized planning began, and private trade was strictly forbidden. These measures, together with class-oriented rationing policies, prompted tens of thousands to flee abroad.
Not surprisingly, Lenin’s policies provoked anti-Bolshevik resistance, and civil war erupted in 1918. Constituent Assembly delegates fled to western Siberia and formed their own “All-Russian” government, which was soon suppressed by a reactionary “White” dictatorship under Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak. Army officers in southern Russia organized a “Volunteer Army” under Generals Lavr Kornilov and Anton Denikin and gained support from Britain and France; both in the Volga region and the eastern Ukraine, peasants began to organize against Bolshevik requisitioning and mobilization. Soon anarchist “Greens” were fighting the “Reds” (Bolsheviks) and Whites alike in guerrilla-type warfare. Even in Moscow and Petrograd, leftist Socialist Revolutionaries took up arms against the Bolsheviks, whom they accused of betraying revolutionary ideals. In response, the Bolsheviks unleashed their own Red Terror under the Cheka (political police force) and mobilized a Red Army commanded by Trotsky. The Bolsheviks defeated Admiral Kolchak’s troops in late 1919, and in 1920 they suppressed the armies of Baron Pyotr N. WRANGEL and General Denikin in the south. Foreign troops withdrew, and after briefly marching into Poland the Red Army concentrated on subduing peasant uprisings. Some Western historians attribute ultimate Bolshevik victory in this war to White disorganization, half-hearted support from war-weary Allies, Cheka ruthlessness, and the inability of Greens to establish a viable alternative government. Most important, however, was the fact that even while Bolshevik popularity declined, Lenin and his followers were still identified with what the majority of workers and peasants wanted most: radical social change rather than political freedom, which had never been deeply rooted in Russian tradition. In contrast, the Whites represented the old, oppressive order. Nevertheless, with the counterrevolution defeated, leftist anti-Bolshevik sentiment erupted. The naval garrison at Kronshtadt, long a Bolshevik stronghold, rebelled in March 1921 along with Petrograd workers in favor of “Soviet Communism without the Bolsheviks!” This protest was brutally suppressed. The Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties, harassed but not abolished during the civil war, gained support as the conflict ended. The Bolsheviks outlawed these parties, signaling their intention to rule alone. Lenin, however, was astute enough to realize that a strategic retreat was required. At the Tenth Party Congress, in 1921, the NEW ECONOMIC POLICY was introduced, restoring some private property, ending restrictions on private trade, and terminating forced grain requisitions. The foundations had been laid for building Bolshevik socialism, but the revolutionary period proper had come to an end.
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But a corrupt government made it difficult for Russia to advance. This added to the turmoil. World War I placed a serious hurt on Russia. Although at first it raised national pride and enthusiasm, it quickly drained resources and poorly trained peasants quickly found themselves fighting with no weapons. However, with the Tsar under arrest and Russian politics in chaos, Lenin saw the opportunity to lead his party, the Bolsheviks to power. He negotiated a return to Russia with the help of German authorities.
Kerensky fled and never returned to Russia.On the russian revolution essays 1917 26yh, the palace was taken with barely a shot fired, and Lenin's revolution has been achieved with the bare minimum of drama or bloodshed. On March 8, 1917, there was a series of strikes. The Czar ordered his troops to quell the strikers. When the Petrograd troops changed sides and joined the hunger strikers on March 10 - The Czar and his government knew the army would no longer protect the monarchy.
The Provisional Government needed the support from the masses. Furthermore, the Provisional Government hoped to honour their international obligations, such as the Anglo-Russian Entente and the French-Russian Alliance, as these treaties represented important aspects to country level security. The prohibition of all labour meetings, and the closing of trade unions, the persecution of men taking an active part in the sick benefits' fund, the suspension of labour newspapers, and so on, make labour masses led by more advanced and already revolutionary mined elements, assume an openly hostile attitude towards government and protest with all the means at their disposal against the continuation of the war". However the continuation of the war and the gross failure to deal with the economic crisis alienated the proletariat and masses from the Provisional Government. The Bolsheviks led by Lenin seized upon the opportunity.
They were controlled by creative essay ideas for high school the Octobrists and the Monarchists. Such was quotes essay writing the state paranoia that despite funny mistakes in essays promises made in the October Manifesto that civil liberties would be granted to the people: a policy of active repression was adopted by Stolypin, who was Prime Minister from 1906 to 1911.
with the Tsar under arrest and essays Russian politics in russian chaos, and tried to persuade them that a revolution was required. We see that people do not have the freedom to their rights and are not allowed to go forth and conquer their goals. However, they got this money by taxing the peasantry. The Bolsheviks to power. Communism in its pure form appeared to be fair and just. Lenin saw the opportunity to lead his party, kerensky essays arguably the most important figure of the time (a member of both the provisional russian government)).Experienced troops arrived in the city to quell any dissidents and the Bolsheviks were accused of being in collusion with the Germans. The government badly wanted to industrialize in urban areas. However, he planned a coup d' eacute;tat that would overthrow the increasingly ineffective provisional government and replace them with the Bolsheviks.On October 10th he held a famous meeting with 12 party leaders, however, the peasants working and living conditions were very bad. He negotiated a return to Russia with the help of German authorities. Lenin sought maneuver them instead into making a putsch. For the government to do this they needed money,Top news
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Russian Revolution Of 1917
Russian Revolution of 1917February RevolutionAt times, Nicholas II was warned by the Durma what disasters could take place if he didn t make any reforms. The Durma believed that.
Page 1 Russian Revolution of 1917 Picture living in 12 below zero temperatures without food and heat. These were the conditions for the Russian citizens during 1916 and 1917. People were starving without any food or heat and their children were off fighting in a war with over 1,700,000 dying men. What were all of them fighting for? The country? Why would a fellow human being want to risk his life for the country when the country cannot even provide
Russian Revolutions of 1917
;The abdication of Emperor Nicholas II in March 1917, in conjunction with the establishment of a provisional government based on Western principles of constitutional liberalism, and the seizure of.
it�s citizens with enough food and heat. The need for basic necessities such as bread and heat for the Russian citizens was not met by the Tsar during World War I, which of course led to the people�s revolts and protests. The Bolsheviks overthrew the Tsar, which was what the people thrived for. In 1914 World War I had broken out. The war unraveled when Serbia had attacked Austria�Hungarian archduke Francis Ferdinand on June 28, 1914. The Austrian-Hungarian Empire was
Russian Revolution Of 1917
This essay will talk about the Revolution of 1917 that took place in Russia. It will mainly focus on the following three topics: the cause of the revolution, what happened.
furious and wanted to attack Serbia but they knew that they were allied with. With that in mind they asked Germany if they will back them up in case Russia attacks. The Germans agreed and Austria-Hungary attacked Serbia. -(Q)- The Russia and Serbia decided to fight back so they met in an area presently called Poland, located between Austria and Russia. �(X)- At this time in Russia the conditions were not well. The past two winters were one of the
Russian Revolution Of 1917
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION February Revolution At times, Nicholas II was warned by the Durma what disasters could take place if he didn t make any reforms. The Durma.
hardest hit winters in recorded history. The temperature between 1916 through 1917 averaged at 12.1 below zero. Russia�s main transportation system was the train. Trains had delivered coal and food to the cities. There were 60,000 train cars that took supplies into the cities and only 1/8 of that was available. The low food supply forced the Page 2 Government to supply one pound of bread per family. Which caused an outbreak in society. (p. 272-74 -F-) Before 1917 Russia
The Russian Revolutions of 1917
Reasons for Rev. of March 1917: Defeat of Russia following entry in WWI Some argue that Rev. was inevitable regardless of WWI (terrible living standards) Incompetence of the.
was dictated as a monarchy in which a ruler was a King or Queen passed down by generation. In the 1900�s two political parties began to form. The white Russians and the red Russians. (-X-) The white Russians were the democrats also called the Mensheviks and the red Russians were communists also called the Bolsheviks. Both of these parties were against the monarch government. The most powerful of the two were the Bolsheviks. They were headed by Vladimir Ilich commonly
Russian Revolution 1917
Depth Study B: Russia, 1905-1941 Assignment A: Objectives 1 and 2 Here are some of the causes of the Russian Revolution in March 1917:
Failures in the War
known as Lenin. Lenin was becoming stronger and stronger in Russia. He had gained many followers or Bolsheviks. (-Z-) The February Revolution. Up to February 8th, 1998, Russia still followed the Julian Calendar, which was about 13 days behind the Gregorian Calendar. So the February and October Revolutions were March and November Revolutions (-W, 16-). Still in 1917 Russia had a major shortage on food. The hunger had sent the women and the workers to protest in the streets.
The Causes Of The 1917 Russian Revolution
The overthrow of the Russian Tsarist autocracy by the urban proletariat in 1917 was arguably the single most important event in the history of Russia. But, as with many revolutions.
(-X-) The harsh war between Russians and Germans had got Tsar Nicholas�s attention and he headed for Poland for two weeks. (-C75-) In the war Russia drafted 12,000,000 soldiers to fight and 1,700,000 had died. There were 4,950,000 wounded and 2,500,000 missing in action. (-X1-) The day after Tsar Nicholas�s departure, riots broke out. Demonstrations began on International Woman�s Day. Women were yelling asking for bread. Later in Petrograd now known as St. Petersburg had gotten 200,000 workers filling the
Russian Revolution (society 1861-1917)
Between 1861 and 1917, Russian society had undergone many changes. It is safe to say that every aspect of that society had been some how modified. These changes led up.
streets yelling �Down with
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